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2025 Term · 25-5

Noem v. Al Otro Lado

Whether asylum seekers who were allegedly turned away at the U.S.-Mexico border by Customs and Border Protection officers have a viable legal claim under the Immigration and Nationality Act, and whether class-action treatment of such claims is appropriate.

Argued March 24, 2026Official Transcript ↗

The Decision

Roberts

Roberts

Kagan

Kagan

Gorsuch

Gorsuch

Kavanaugh

Kavanaugh

Barrett

Barrett

Decided June 25, 2026

Majority Opinion— Justice Alito

The Supreme Court held that a noncitizen standing in Mexico does not "arrive in the United States" under the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) until that person physically crosses the border into U.S. territory. The case arose from a government "metering" policy adopted in 2016 that limited the number of asylum seekers processed each day at ports of entry along the U.S.-Mexico border by stationing officers at the border to prevent more people from entering than could be safely processed. Advocacy groups challenged the policy, arguing it unlawfully denied inspection and asylum processing to people who had reached the border. The Ninth Circuit ruled for the challengers, holding that a person "arrives in the United States" even while still standing on the Mexican side if they encounter a U.S. official at the border.

The Supreme Court reversed, finding that the ordinary meaning of "arrives in the United States" requires actually entering the country. Justice Alito, writing for the majority, relied on dictionary definitions and common-sense examples: just as a football player doesn't arrive in the end zone when tackled at the one-yard line, an asylum seeker doesn't arrive in the United States while still in Mexico. The Court found support in statutory context, noting that Congress used phrases like "enters or attempts to enter" elsewhere in immigration law but did not include "attempt" language in the provisions at issue. The Court also invoked the presumption against giving U.S. statutes effect outside U.S. territory. Although the challengers argued this reading makes the phrase "arrives in the United States" redundant alongside "physically present in the United States" in the asylum statute, the Court found partial redundancy acceptable and explainable by Congress's simultaneous creation of the expedited removal process in 1996.

The practical effect of the ruling is that the federal government has no legal obligation under these statutes to inspect or accept asylum applications from noncitizens who have not yet crossed the border onto U.S. soil. The decision reversed the Ninth Circuit's judgment that had barred the metering policy and clears the way for future administrations to resume metering if border conditions warrant it.

Concurring Opinions

Justice Thomas

Justice Thomas joined the majority opinion in full but wrote separately to flag two additional concerns. First, he argued that the lower court's class-wide declaratory relief likely violated a federal statute, 8 U.S.C. §1252(f)(1), which strips lower courts of authority to enjoin or restrain the operation of certain immigration enforcement provisions. Thomas contended that the District Court effectively gave the plaintiffs the same relief as a prohibited class-wide injunction by labeling it a "declaratory judgment," and he urged the Court to address this apparent end-run around the statutory bar in a future case.

Second, Justice Thomas raised constitutional concerns, arguing that even if a statute authorized the lower court's order requiring the executive branch to bring certain noncitizens into the country, such an order would infringe on the President's inherent constitutional authority to exclude aliens. He maintained that the power to exclude and deport aliens is part of the executive power under Article II and that Congress lacks enumerated authority to force the President to admit noncitizens against his will.

Dissenting Opinions

Justice Sotomayor

Justice Sotomayor, joined by Justices Kagan and Jackson, dissented sharply, arguing that the majority's interpretation guts Congress's longstanding mandate that all noncitizens arriving at the border must be inspected and allowed to apply for asylum. She contended that the majority's fixation on the preposition "in" ignores statutory context, history, and common sense. Reading the statutes as a whole, she argued, "arrives in the United States" encompasses noncitizens who are in the process of arriving—such as those presenting themselves at a port of entry—regardless of whether their foot has physically crossed the border line. She pointed to neighboring statutory provisions that use "arrives at" and "arriving in" interchangeably, federal regulations that have consistently defined "arriving alien" to include those attempting to come into the country at a port of entry, and the parenthetical in both statutes referencing arrival "whether or not at a designated port of arrival."

Sotomayor also emphasized that the majority's reading renders the "arrives in the United States" clause entirely superfluous alongside the "physically present in the United States" clause, violating the strong canon against surplusage. She detailed the humanitarian consequences of the metering policy, noting that it was often enforced even when ports had ample capacity, that officials were instructed to falsely claim facilities were full, and that the policy drove desperate asylum seekers to attempt dangerous illegal crossings—resulting in drownings and deaths. She argued the majority's holding gives the executive branch unchecked power to nullify Congress's detailed, mandatory inspection and asylum procedures simply by stationing officers at the border to block entry, a result Congress never intended. She traced the legislative history from 1917 forward to show that Congress has always required inspection of noncitizens arriving at ports and that the 1996 amendments were not meant to strip protections from those at the threshold of the border.

Justice Jackson

Justice Jackson filed a separate dissent. While the full text of her dissent was trimmed from the provided opinion, she joined Justice Sotomayor's dissent and wrote separately to express additional concerns about the majority's interpretation of the immigration statutes. Her participation in the Sotomayor dissent indicates agreement that noncitizens arriving at ports of entry are covered by the statutory inspection and asylum provisions regardless of whether they have physically crossed the border, and that the majority's ruling undermines Congress's carefully constructed immigration framework.

Oral Argument Recording

Via Spotify ↗

Background & Facts

Al Otro Lado is a nonprofit organization that provides legal services to migrants and asylum seekers at the U.S.-Mexico border. The organization, along with individual asylum seekers, filed a lawsuit alleging that U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers at ports of entry along the southern border were systematically turning away people who attempted to present themselves to request asylum — a practice often called 'metering' or 'turnbacks.' Under U.S. and international law, individuals physically present at a port of entry have the right to request asylum, and the lawsuit alleged that CBP officers were unlawfully preventing them from doing so, sometimes using physical force, deception, or simply refusing to process their claims.

The plaintiffs sought class-action status, meaning they wanted the lawsuit to represent a large group of similarly situated asylum seekers who had been turned away. The federal district court certified a class and found that the plaintiffs had legal standing to sue. The government appealed, arguing that the plaintiffs lacked standing and that a class action was improper. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals largely upheld the lower court's rulings, finding that the plaintiffs had adequately shown they were harmed by the alleged turnback policy and that class certification was appropriate.

The federal government, now under Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, petitioned the Supreme Court to review the Ninth Circuit's decision. The Court agreed to hear the case in November 2025, with oral argument scheduled for March 24, 2026. The central legal disputes involve whether these plaintiffs can sue under the relevant immigration statutes, whether the class was properly certified, and how broadly courts can review CBP enforcement decisions at the border.

Why This Case Matters

This case has major implications for the rights of asylum seekers at U.S. ports of entry and the extent to which federal courts can oversee how immigration officers treat individuals who present themselves at the border. If the Supreme Court sides with the government, it could effectively shield border enforcement practices from judicial review and make it far harder for asylum seekers who are turned away to obtain any legal remedy. It could also dismantle the class action and leave thousands of people with no practical way to vindicate their rights in court.

More broadly, the case will help define the boundary between executive branch discretion in immigration enforcement and the rights Congress granted to asylum seekers under the Immigration and Nationality Act. A ruling in favor of the respondents would affirm that courts can scrutinize alleged systematic violations of asylum law at the border, potentially setting important limits on 'metering' and turnback policies that have been used by multiple administrations. Legal advocates, human rights organizations, and members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have filed amicus briefs, underscoring the case's significance for U.S. immigration policy and the rule of law at the border.

The Arguments

Kristi Noem, Secretary of Homeland Security, et al.petitioner

The government argues that the plaintiffs lack standing to bring this lawsuit and that the class was improperly certified because the alleged injuries are too individualized and speculative. The government further contends that immigration officers' decisions about how to process individuals at ports of entry involve discretionary enforcement choices that are largely shielded from judicial review under the Immigration and Nationality Act.

  • Plaintiffs lack Article III standing because any future harm from being turned away at the border is speculative and depends on their own future choices to attempt re-entry.
  • The INA's jurisdiction-stripping provisions limit courts' ability to review day-to-day border enforcement decisions made by CBP officers.
  • Class certification was improper because determining whether each class member was actually turned away and harmed requires highly individualized factual inquiries incompatible with class-wide treatment.
  • Allowing this class action to proceed would improperly second-guess executive branch decisions about how to manage the flow of asylum seekers at ports of entry.
Al Otro Lado, et al.respondent

Respondents argue that CBP's systematic practice of physically and verbally turning away asylum seekers at ports of entry violates the clear statutory right under the Immigration and Nationality Act to request asylum upon arrival, and that those harmed by this policy have standing to seek relief in federal court. They contend the class was properly certified because the plaintiffs share a common legal question: whether the turnback policy itself is unlawful.

  • The INA expressly grants individuals who arrive at a port of entry the right to apply for asylum, and CBP officers' practice of turning them away without processing their claims is a clear statutory violation.
  • Plaintiffs have concrete, documented injuries — they were physically prevented from exercising their legal rights — which is more than sufficient for Article III standing.
  • The jurisdiction-stripping provisions of the INA do not bar courts from reviewing a systematic policy that categorically denies statutory rights; they only limit review of individual discretionary decisions.
  • Class certification is appropriate because all class members share the same core legal question — whether the government's turnback policy is unlawful — making collective adjudication efficient and fair.

Precedent Cases Cited

Legal Terminology

Analysis & Opinions

SCOTUSblogCésar Cuauhtémoc García Hernández2026-07-02
An immigration law error in the court’s asylum decision threatens immigration courts

The article critiques the Supreme Court's decision in Mullin v. Al Otro Lado, which blocked migrants stopped at the international boundary from applying for asylum. The author argues that the majority misunderstood the border-crossing process Congress created in federal immigration law, effectively giving border officers unchecked power to deny asylum access.

The New YorkerRuth Marcus2026-06-26
The Supreme Court Enables Trump’s Cruel Immigration Agenda

The Supreme Court issued two rulings that bolster the Trump administration's immigration agenda by making it easier to prevent migrants from claiming asylum and to expel lawful refugees. The article characterizes the decisions as enabling a cruel immigration policy.

NYT PoliticsAnn E. Marimow, Gilad Thaler, Jon Miller, Nikolay Nikolov, Stephanie Swart, Rafaela Balster, Ray Whitehouse, Paul Abowd and Allison McCann2026-06-26
How the Supreme Court Removed Key Protections for Immigrants

A 6-3 Supreme Court majority removed key protections for immigrants and asylum seekers, aligning with the Trump administration's immigration crackdown. The article details how the rulings diminish legal safeguards that had previously been available to migrants.

NYT PoliticsHamed Aleaziz2026-06-26
Supreme Court’s TPS Ruling Capped a Long Campaign by Immigration Hard-Liners

The Supreme Court ruled that the Trump administration could end Temporary Protected Status deportation protections for certain migrants, a decision hailed by immigration hard-liners as a victory years in the making. The ruling caps a long campaign by restrictionist advocates to curtail TPS protections.

NYT Opinion2026-06-26
Anger Over Supreme Court Rulings on Immigration

Readers express dismay and anger over the Supreme Court's recent immigration rulings, which they see as harmful to immigrants and asylum seekers. The opinion piece compiles reader reactions to the court's decisions.

The DispatchSarah Isgur, David French2026-06-26
SCOTUS Ends Judicial Review of Temporary Protected Status

The Supreme Court ended judicial review of Temporary Protected Status decisions, removing a key check on executive power over immigration. The court also struck down Hawaii's concealed-carry restrictions on gun rights grounds.

SCOTUSblogAmy Howe2026-06-25
Justices side with Trump administration in border dispute over asylum seekers

The Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in favor of the Trump administration in a case involving the systematic turning back of asylum seekers before they reach the U.S.-Mexico border. The justices held that this policy does not violate the federal law permitting noncitizens to apply for asylum. The case, referred to as Mullin v. Al Otro Lado, stems from a policy originally adopted in response to a surge of Haitian immigrants seeking asylum near San Diego.

NYT PoliticsAnn E. Marimow2026-06-25
Supreme Court Expands Trump’s Power Over Immigration With TPS and Southern Border Decisions

The Supreme Court handed President Trump two major immigration victories, ruling to allow the rescission of Temporary Protected Status deportation protections for hundreds of thousands of people and upholding the policy of turning away migrants at the southern border. The decisions significantly expand executive authority over immigration enforcement. Both rulings were decided by 6-3 votes along ideological lines.

NYT PoliticsAnn E. Marimow2026-06-25
Supreme Court Allows Trump to Block Asylum Seekers at Border

The Supreme Court ruled that asylum seekers standing on the Mexican side of the border are not entitled to apply for asylum in the United States, clearing the way for the Trump administration to resume turning back asylum seekers before they enter the country. The 6-3 decision gives the administration a key tool for border control. The policy had been rescinded in 2021 but the Trump administration sought the flexibility to reinstate it.

Washington PostJulian Mark2026-06-25
Migrants not entitled to apply for asylum while standing on Mexico side of border, Supreme Court rules

The Supreme Court ruled 6-3 that migrants are not entitled to apply for asylum while standing on the Mexican side of the border, allowing federal agents to turn back asylum seekers before they enter the United States. The decision clears the way for the Trump administration to resume this border enforcement practice. The ruling is a significant win for the administration's immigration enforcement agenda.

SCOTUSblogKelsey Dallas, Alex Rivenbark2026-06-17
Haitian nationals ask for DIG in TPS Case

Haitian nationals involved in a Temporary Protected Status (TPS) case have asked the Supreme Court to dismiss the case as improvidently granted (DIG), suggesting the case may no longer warrant the Court's review. The article also promotes an upcoming term-in-review event scheduled for July 8.

SCOTUSblogAmy Howe2026-06-16
Haitian citizens ask justices to throw out dispute over whether Trump administration properly ended protected status for them

A group of Haitian citizens asked the Supreme Court to dismiss as improvidently granted a case about whether the Trump administration properly ended Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Haiti. The case had already been argued in late April, but the petitioners now say the court should toss it without issuing a decision. This procedural move would leave the lower court ruling in place without setting a Supreme Court precedent.

Washington PostJulian Mark, Maria Sacchetti2026-04-29
Supreme Court wrestles with Trump effort to end temporary protections for migrants

The Supreme Court heard arguments over the Trump administration's effort to end Temporary Protected Status for Haitian and Syrian nationals. Conservative justices appeared sympathetic to the administration's position that it has the authority to cancel these humanitarian protections for migrants.

Washington PostJulian Mark2026-04-28
A Supreme Court justice’s personal ties to Haiti highlight stakes in asylum case

As the Supreme Court considers President Trump's effort to end Temporary Protected Status for Haitians, Justice Amy Coney Barrett's personal ties to Haiti — she has two adopted children from the country — highlight the human stakes of the case. The article explores how those connections may shape the public's perception of the proceedings.